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Buddhism in Myanmar

كتبها Mung ، في 20 أبريل 2007 الساعة: 00:30 ص

Buddhism in Myanmar

A Short History

by

Roger Bischoff

The Wheel Publication No. 399/401
ISBN 955-24-0127-5
Copyright © 1995 Roger Bischoff For free distribution only.
You may print copies of this work for your personal use.
You may re-format and redistribute this work for use on computers and computer networks,
provided that you charge no fees for its distribution or use.
Otherwise, all rights reserved.
Buddhist Publication Society
P.O. Box 61
54, Sangharaja Mawatha
Kandy, Sri Lanka
This edition was transcribed directly from PageMaker files provided by the BPS.


Contents


Preface

Myanmar, or Burma as the nation has been known throughout history, is one of the major countries following Theravada Buddhism. In recent years Myanmar has attained special eminence as the host for the Sixth Buddhist Council, held in Yangon (Rangoon) between 1954 and 1956, and as the source from which two of the major systems of Vipassana meditation have emanated out into the greater world: the tradition springing from the Venerable Mahasi Sayadaw of Thathana Yeiktha and that springing from Sayagyi U Ba Khin of the International Meditation Centre. This booklet is intended to offer a short history of Buddhism in Myanmar from its origins through the country's loss of independence to Great Britain in the late nineteenth century. I have not dealt with more recent history as this has already been well documented. To write an account of the development of a religion in any country is a delicate and demanding undertaking and one will never be quite satisfied with the result. This booklet does not pretend to be an academic work shedding new light on the subject. It is designed, rather, to provide the interested non-academic reader with a brief overview of the subject. The booklet has been written for the Buddhist Publication Society to complete its series of Wheel titles on the history of the Sasana in the main Theravada Buddhist countries. The material has been sifted and organised from the point of view of a practicing Buddhist. Inevitably it thus involves some degree of personal interpretation. I have given importance to sources that would be accorded much less weight in a strictly academic treatment of the subject, as I feel that in this case the oral tradition may well be more reliable than modern historians would normally admit. One of the objectives of the narrative is to show that the Buddha's Teaching did not make a lasting impression on Myanmar immediately upon first arrival. The Sasana had to be re-introduced or purified again and again from the outside until Myanmar had matured to the point of becoming one of the main shrines where the Theravada Buddhist teachings are preserved. The religion did not develop in Myanmar. Rather, the Myanmar people developed through the religion until the Theravada faith became embedded in their culture and Pali Buddhism became second nature to them. I dedicate this work to my teachers, Mother Sayamagyi and Sayagyi U Chit Tin. Roger Bischoff International Meditation Centre UK
Splatts House
Heddington, Calne
Wilts SN11 OPE


1. Earliest Contacts with Buddhism

 
was in use until about the fourteenth century, but was then lost. The Myanmar people began to colonise the plains of Myanmar only towards the middle of the first millennium AD. They came from the mountainous northern regions and may well have originated in the Central Asian plains. After the Myanmar, the Shan flooded in from the North, finally conquering the entire region of Myanmar and Thailand. The Thai people are descended from Shan tribes. The northeast region of modern Myanmar is still inhabited predominantly by Shan tribes.  

The Region

In the sixth century BC, most of what we now know as Myanmar, Thailand, Laos, and Cambodia was sparsely populated. While migrants from the east coast of India had formed trading colonies along the coast of the Gulf of Martaban, these coastal areas of Myanmar and Thailand were also home to the Mon. By this time, the Khmer probably controlled Laos, Cambodia, and northern Thailand, while Upper Myanmar may already have been occupied to some extent by Myanmar tribes. As these early settlers did not use lasting materials for construction, our knowledge of their civilisation remains scant. We do know, however, that their way of life was very simple — as it remains today in rural areas — probably requiring only wooden huts with palm-leaf roofs for habitation. We can assume that they were not organised into units larger than village communities and that they did not possess a written language. Their religion must have been some form of nature worship or animism, still found today among the more remote tribes of the region. There were also more highly developed communities of Indian origin, in the form of trading settlements located along the entire coast from Bengal to Borneo. In Myanmar, they were located in Thaton (Suddhammapura), Pegu (Ussa), Yangon (Ukkala, then still on the coast), and Mrauk-U (Dhannavati) in Arakan; also probably along the Tenasserim and Arakan coasts. These settlers had mainly migrated from Orissa on the northeastern coast of the Indian subcontinent, and also from the Deccan in the southeast. In migrating to these areas, they had also brought their own culture and religion with them. Initially, the contact between the Hindu traders and the Mon peasants must have been limited. However, the Indian settlements, their culture and traditions, were eventually absorbed into the Mon culture. G.E. Harvey, in his History of Burma, relates a Mon legend which refers to the Mon fighting Hindu strangers who had come back to re-conquer the country that had formerly belonged to them.[2] This Mon tale confirms the theory that Indian people had formed the first communities in the region but that these were eventually replaced by the Mon with the development of their own civilisation. As well as the Indian trading settlements, there were also some Pyu settlements, particularly in the area of Prome where a flourishing civilisation later developed. Also, it is assumed that some degree of migration from India to the region of Tagaung and Mogok in Upper Myanmar had taken place through Assam and later through Manipur, but the "hinterland" was of course much less attractive to traders than the coastal regions with their easy access by sea. A tradition of Myanmar says that Tagaung was founded by Abhiraja, a prince of the Sakyans (the tribe of the Buddha), who had migrated to Upper Myanmar from Nepal in the ninth century BC. The city was subsequently conquered by the Chinese in approximately 600 BC, and Pagan and Prome were founded by refugees fleeing southward. In fact, some historians believe that, like the Myanmar, the Sakyans were a Mongolian rather than an Indo-Aryan race, and that the Buddha's clansmen were derived from Mongolian stock.  

First Contacts with the Buddha's Teachings

The source of information for many of the events related forthwith is the Sasanavamsa.[3] The Sasanavamsa is a chronicle written in Pali by a bhikkhu,[4] Pannasami, for the Fifth Buddhist Council held in Mandalay in 1867. As the Sasanavamsa is a recent compilation, many events mentioned therein may be doubted. However, as it draws on both written records, some of which are no longer available, and on the oral tradition of Myanmar, information can be included in this account with the understanding that it is open to verification. There are many instances in the history of Southeast Asian tribes in which a conquering people incorporates into its own traditions not only the civilisation of the conquered, but also their clan gods, royal lineage, and thereby their history. This fact would explain the visits of the Buddha to Thaton and Shwesettaw in the Mon and Myanmar oral tradition, and the belief of the Arakanese that the Buddha visited their king and left behind an image of himself for them to worship. Modern historiography will, of course, dismiss these stories as fabrications made out of national pride, as the Myanmar had not even arrived in the region at the time of the Buddha. However, it is possible that the Myanmar and Arakanese integrated into their own lore the oral historical tradition of their Indian predecessors. This does not prove that the visits really took place, but it seems a more palatable explanation of the existence of these accounts than simply putting them down to historical afterthought of a Buddhist people eager to connect itself with the origins of their religion. The Sasanavamsa mentions several visits of the Buddha to Myanmar and one other important event: the arrival of the hair relics in Ukkala (Yangon) soon after the Buddha's enlightenment.  

The Arrival of the Hair Relics

Tapussa and Bhallika, two merchants from Ukkala,[5] were traveling through the region of Uruvela and were directed to the Buddha by their family god. The Buddha had just come out of seven weeks of meditation after his awakening and was sitting under a tree feeling the need for food. Tapussa and Bhallika made an offering of rice cake and honey to the Buddha and took the two refuges, the refuge in the Buddha and the refuge in the Dhamma (the Sangha, the third refuge, did not exist yet). As they were about to depart, they asked the Buddha for an object to worship in his stead and he gave them eight hairs from his head. After the two returned from their journey, they enshrined the three hairs in a stupa which is now the great Shwedagon Pagoda in Yangon. It is believed in Myanmar that the hill upon which the Shwedagon Pagoda stands was not haphazardly chosen by Tapussa and Bhallika but was, in fact, the site where the three Buddhas preceding the Buddha Gotama in this world cycle themselves deposited relics. Buddha Kakusandha is said to have left his staff on the Theinguttara Hill, the Buddha Konagamana his water filter, and Buddha Kassapa a part of his robe. Because of this, the Buddha requested Tapussa and Bhallika to enshrine his relics in this location. Tapussa and Bhallika traveled far and wide in order to find the hill on which they could balance a tree without its touching the ground either with the roots or with the crown. Eventually, they found the exact spot not far from their home in Lower Myanmar where they enshrined the holy relics in a traditional mound or stupa.[6] The original stupa is said to have been 27 feet high. Today the Shwedagon pagoda has grown to over 370 feet.  

The Buddha's Visits to the Region

The Myanmar oral tradition speaks of four visits of the Buddha to the region. While these visits were of utmost significance in their own right, they are also important in having established places of pilgrimage up to the present day. The Visit to Central Myanmar
According to the Sasanavamsa, the city of Aparanta is situated on the western shore of the Irrawaddy river at the latitude of Magwe. The Sasanavamsa gives only a very brief summary of the events surrounding the Buddha's visit to Aparanta, presumably because these were well known and could be read in the Tipitaka and the commentaries.[7]
Punna, a merchant from Sunaparanta, went to Savatthi on business and there heard a discourse of the Buddha.[8] Having won faith in the Buddha and the Teachings, he took ordination as a bhikkhu. After sometime, he asked the Buddha to teach him a short lesson so that he could return to Sunaparanta and strive for arahatship. The Buddha warned him that the people of Sunaparanta were fierce and violent, but Punna replied that he would not allow anger to arise, even if they should kill him. In the Punnovada Sutta, the Buddha instructed him not to be enticed by that which is pleasant, and Punna returned and attained arahatship in his country. He won over many disciples and built a monastery of red sandalwood for the Buddha (according to some chronicles of Myanmar, the Buddha made the prediction that at the location where the red sandalwood monastery was, the great king Alaungsithu of Pagan would build a shrine). He then sent flowers as an invitation to the Buddha and the Buddha came accompanied by five hundred arahats, spent the night in the monastery, and left again before dawn.[9] Sakka, the king of the thirty-three devas living in the Tavatimsa plane, provided five hundred palanquins for the bhikkhus accompanying the Buddha on the journey to Sunaparanta. But only 499 of the palanquins were occupied. One of them remained empty until the ascetic Saccabandha, who lived on the Saccabandha mountain in central Myanmar, joined the Buddha and the 499 bhikkhus accompanying him. On the way to Sunaparanta, the Buddha stopped in order to teach the ascetic Saccabandha. When Saccabanda attained arahatship, he then joined the Buddha and completed the total of 500 bhikkhus who usually traveled with the Master. On the return journey, the Buddha stopped at the river Nammada close to the Saccabandha mountain. Here, the Blessed One was invited by the Naga king, Nammada, to visit and preach to the Nagas, later accepting food from them. The tradition of Myanmar relates that he left behind a footprint for veneration near this river, which would last as long as the Sasana (i.e. 5000 years). Another footprint was left in the rock of the Saccabandha mountain.[10] These footprints, still visible today, were worshipped by the Mon, Pyu, and Myanmar kings alike and have remained among the holiest places of pilgrimage in Myanmar. In the fifteenth century, after the decimation of the population through the Siamese campaigns, knowledge of the footprints was lost. Then, in the year 1638, King Thalun sent learned bhikkhus to the region; fortuitously, they were able to relocate the Buddha's footprints. Since then Shwesettaw, the place where the footprints are found, has once again become an important place of pilgrimage in Myanmar. And in the dry season thousands of devout Buddhists travel there to pay respects. The Visit to Arakan
In Dhannavati, whose walls are still partially visible today, the Mahamuni temple is located on the Sirigutta hill. In this temple, for over two millennia, the Mahamuni image was enshrined and worshipped. The story of the Mahamuni image, at one time one of the most revered shrines of Buddhism, is told in the Sappadanapakarana, a work of a local historian.
Candrasuriya, the king of Dhannavati, on hearing that a Buddha had arisen in India, desired to go there to learn the Dhamma. The Buddha, aware of his intention, said to Ananda: "The king will have to pass through forests dangerous to travelers; wide rivers will impede his journey; he must cross a sea full of monsters. It will be an act of charity if we go to his dominion, so that he may pay homage without risking his life." So the Buddha went there and was received with great pomp by King Candrasuriya and his people. The Buddha then taught the five and eight precepts and instructed the king in the ten kingly duties, namely, (1) universal beneficence, (2) daily paying homage, (3) the showing of mercy, (4) taxes of not more than a tenth part of the produce, (5) justice, (6) punishment without anger, (7) the support of his subjects as the earth supports them, (8) the employment of prudent commanders, (9) the taking of good counsel, and (10) the avoidance of pride. The Buddha remained for a week and on preparing for his departure the king requested that he leave an image of himself, so that they could worship him even in his absence. The Buddha consented to this and Sakka the king of the gods himself formed the image with the metals collected by the king and his people. It was completed in one week and when the Buddha breathed onto it the people exclaimed that now there were indeed two Buddhas, so alike was the image to the great sage. Then the Buddha made a prophesy addressing the image: "I shall pass into Nibbana in my eightieth year, but you will live for five thousand years which I have foreseen as the duration of my Teaching." The Mahamuni image remained in its original location until 1784 when King Bodawpaya conquered Arakan and had the image transported to Mandalay where a special shrine, the Arakan pagoda, was built to enshrine the three-meter image. To have this image in his capital greatly adالمزيد

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The Holy Anointing Oil

كتبها Mung ، في 19 أبريل 2007 الساعة: 16:47 م

The Holy Anointing OilWritten by Nang Sian MungApril 16, 2007 

Text: Exo. 30:22-33

 Introduction I.                   Anointing Oil Used in Our Daily Life 

A.    For the anointing of our body

B.     For preparation of food

C.     For burning and giving light

 II.                Anointing Oil Used in the Bible 1. In the Old Testament 

A.   

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Views of Lord's Supper

كتبها Mung ، في 19 أبريل 2007 الساعة: 16:31 م

Views of Lord's Supper

The NT teaches that Christians must partake of Christ in the Lord's Supper (1 Cor. 11:23 - 32; cf. Matt. 26:26 - 29; Luke 22:14 - 23; Mark 14:22 - 25). In a remarkable discourse Jesus said that his disciples had to feed on him if they were to have eternal life (John 6:53 - 57). The setting of that discourse was the feeding of the five thousand. Jesus used the occasion to tell the multitude that it should not be as concerned about perishable food as about the food that lasts forever, which he gives them. That food is himself, his body and his blood. Those who believe in him must eat his flesh and drink his blood, not literally, but symbolically and sacramentally, in the rite he gave the church. Through faith in him and partaking of him they would live forever, for union with him means salvation.

The setting for the institution of the Lord's Supper was the passover meal that Jesus celebrated with his disciples in remembrance of the deliverance of Israel from Egypt (Matt. 26:17; John 13:1; Exod. 13:1 - 10). In calling the bread and wine his body and blood, and saying, "Do this in remembrance of me," Jesus was naming himself the true lamb of the passover whose death would deliver God's people from the bondage of sin. Thus Paul writes, "Christ, our paschal lamb, has been sacrificed" (1 Cor. 5:7; cf. John 1:29).

Transubstantiation

The doctrine of the Lord's Supper first occasioned discord in the church in the ninth century when Radbertus, influenced by the hankering for the mysterious and supernatural which characterized his time, taught that a miracle takes place at the words of institution in the Supper. The elements are changed into the actual body and blood of Christ. Radbertus was opposed by Ratramnus, who held the Augustinian position that Christ's presence in the Supper is spiritual. The teaching and practice of the church moved in Radbertus's direction, a doctrine of transubstantiation; namely, that in the Supper the substance in the elements of bread and wine is changed into the substance of the body and blood of Christ while the accidents, i.e., the appearance, taste, touch, and smell, remain the same. In the eleventh century Berengar objected to the current idea that pieces of Christ's flesh are eaten during Communion and that some of his blood is drunk.

With sensitivity he held that the whole Christ (totus Christus) is given the believer spiritually as he receives bread and wine. The elements remain unchanged but are invested with new meaning; they represent the body and blood of the Savior. This view was out of step with the times, however, and transubstantiation was declared the faith of the church in 1059, although the term itself was not used officially until the Fourth Lateran Council in 1215.

The medieval church continued and refined the teaching of transubstantiation, adding such subtleties as (1) concomitance, i.e., that both the body and blood of Christ are in each element; hence, when the cup is withheld from the laity the whole Christ, body and blood, is received in the bread alone; (2) consecration, i.e., the teaching that the high moment in the Eucharist is not communion with Christ but the change of the elements by their consecration into the very body and blood of Christ, an act performed by the priest alone; (3) that, inasmuch as there is the real presence of Christ in the Supper, body, blood, soul, and divinity, a sacrifice is offered to God; (4) that the sacrifice offered is propitiatory; (5) that the consecrated elements, or host, may be reserved for later use; (6) that the elements thus reserved should be venerated as the living Christ. The Council of Trent (1545 - 63) confirmed these teachings in its thirteenth and twenty second sessions, adding that the veneration given the consecrated elements is adoration (latria), the same worship that is given God.

Luther and Consubstantiation

re; repugnant to reason; contrary to the testimony of our senses of sight, smell, taste, and touch; destructive of the true meaning of a sacrament; and conducive to gross superstition and idolatry. Luther's first salvo against what he considered to be a perversion of the Lord's Supper was The Babylonian Captivity of the Church.

In it he charges the church with a threefold bondage in its doctrine and practice concerning the Supper, withholding the cup from the people, transubstantiation, and the teaching that the Supper is a sacrifice offered to God. Luther tells about his earlier instruction in the theology of the sacrament and of some of his doubts:

"When I learned later what church it was that had decreed this, namely the Thomistic, that is, the Aristotelian church, I grew bolder, and after floating in a sea of doubt, I at last found rest for my conscience in the above view, namely, that it is real bread and real wine, in which Christ's real flesh and real blood are present in no other way and to no less a degree than the others assert them to be under their accidents.

re or reason that it seems to me he knows neither his philosophy nor his logic. For Aristotle speaks of subject and accidents so very differently from St. Thomas that it seems to me this great man is to be pitied not only for attempting to draw his opinions in matters of faith from Aristotle, but also for attempting to base them upon a man whom he did not understand, thus building an unfortunate superstructure upon an unfortunate foundation." (Works, XXXVI, 29)

Luther was feeling his way into a new understanding of the sacrament at this time, but he believed it legitimate to hold that there are real bread and real wine on the altar. He rejected the Thomistic position of a change in the substance of the elements while the accidents remain, inasmuch as Aristotle, from whom the terms "substance" and "accidents" were borrowed, allowed no such separation. The "third captivity," the doctrine of the sacrifice of the Mass, Luther declared to be "by far the most wicked of all" for in it a priest claims to offer to God th

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The Altar of Incense

كتبها Mung ، في 19 أبريل 2007 الساعة: 15:44 م

The Altar of IncenseWritten by Nang Sian MungApril 17,2007 

Text: Exo. 30:1-10

  Introduction 

By studying the tabernacle, we can understand that every piece of the materials used in the tabernacle pictures Christ. And these are full of symbolism which partly fulfilled in the New Testament and some of them will be fulfilled in the millennial kingdom. In this study, we can draw some practical lessons which can be applied in our lives. Since this is placed near the holy of holiest, it shows that the access that we have Christ who sits in the heavenly place through our daily prayers.

 I.                   The Materials Used ( vv.1-5) 1.      Made of Acacia Wood and Gold

a)      Wood speaks of humanity

b)      Gold speaks of Deity

c)      Therefore, the materials used at the altar of incense speak of the God-man, Jesus Christ John 1:14; Gal.4:4; Phil.2:5-8

2.      Manufactures

a)      Its Length and Width-Each one is a Cubit (v.2a) speaks of oneness in Christ

b)   Its Square (v.2b) speaks of equality- whether we be Jews or      Gentiles (1 Cor.12:13)

c)      Its Height Two Cubits (v.2c) – Among the articles used in the tabernacle, the alter of the incense is the tallest in its height and therefore speaks of the exalted Christ who has superiority both the living things on earth and heaven.

d)     Its Horns- speaks of power

 II.                The Position of the Altar of Incense ( V.6) 

1.      Placed before the Vail (v.6a) -

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JORDAN GUNPI BANG CI KANTAN DING?

كتبها Mung ، في 19 أبريل 2007 الساعة: 08:56 ص

 JORDAN GUNPI BANGCI KANTAN DING?

Joshua Chapter 3   

Thu Patna            

                                                                     

 

Egypt gampan hong paikhia Israel mite gam sungah kum sawt sim hong zat khit uh ciangin tu in Pasian kamciam Canaan gam hong lut ding uh hi ta hi.A luah ding uh Pasian kamciamsa gam luah dingin hong kiging khinta uh hi.Ahih hangin gam a laakma un peello in ahih ding leh a phutkhak ding uh thu lianpi khat a mai vuah ngak gige mawk hi.Tua in Jordan gunpi kantan ding ahi hi. Israelte’n Jordan gun kantan ding a kithawi hun uh pen anlaak hun (April kha) hi ( 3:15) .Tua hun laitak in Jordan gunpi nak lam aom tuikhalte tuimang ahih manin tui khang mahmah in mihng kantan zawh ding hilo hi (Ref: Jamieson,Fausset,and Brown Commentary; Keil and Delitzsch Commentary on the Old Testament; Adam Clarke’s Commentary; Albert Barnes’ Notes;Wyliffe Bible Commentary  leh a dang commentaryte na simbeh in.) Tuikhang lo hi leh Israelte’ kantanna mun pen pi 100 (100 feet) bek hi a, anlaak hun in tuikhang lua ahih manin a zaina taikhat ( 1 mile) bang pha hi.Tua ahih manin anlaak hun in a zah sawmnga val bangin lian zaw  hi.Jordan kantan nadingin Pasian mahmah in na lamdang a sep kei leh a hi theilo ding hongsuak hi.

 

Joshua bu pen Lai Siangtho sungah a lungluthuai mahmah bu khat hi a Joshua makaihna tawh Israel mite Canaan gam a lutna thu kigelhna bu ahi hi.Hih laibu pen anuai a bangin khenpi thumin kikhen thei hi.A masa khenpi 1-12 in Israel mite’ galdona leh gamlaakna thu, khenpi 13-22 in gamlaak khitsate minamte teenna dinga hawmsakna thu leh 23-24 in Joshua sihkuan thu vaikhaknate cih bang ahi hi. Joshua bu sungah Pasian na sepna lamdang tampitak aom sung panin Israel mite Canaan gam lutma deuh a a tuahkhak  thu  kikum khawm leng ka ut hi. Hih thupen Jordan gunpi kantanna hi a khenpi 3 & 4 sungah kimu thei hi.

 

I.                  Thu kipulaak Etciankikna (3:1-13)

 A.       Tona (changllenge) kihel (vv.3, 4) 

Pasian in Israel mite’ zuih ding thu nih na pulaak a, hih tua thute ei adingin la thei leeng tukum sung ii kalsuanna ah phattuampih mahmah ding hi hang.

 1.      Pasian Ngak Ding 

Khenpi 3 sungah Thuciamna Singkuang 7 vei bang na kigen hi. Thuciamna Singkuang pen Biakbuk sunga kizang van khat hi a Pasian ompihna leh Pasian vaangliatna lahna hi.Theih ding thu khat ah Israel mite lak ah Pasian in a ompihna hong ensak bek thamlo in Thuciamna Singkuang a kikhin ciangin amau zong kikhin in dingkhia ding ci hi.Thu dang khat in gen leeng Pasian a tat a a kikhin ciangin Israel mite zong kikhin khia ding cihna hi.Pasian gamtatna ngak ding ahi hi.

 

Tua mah bangin tukum sungah ii mailam ding bing cip in cihna ding theilo in ii om hun ciang Pasian makaihna kisam hanga, Topa in ii kim ii paam ah hong gamtatna (the movement of the Lord) telcianin ii kalsuan ding thupi ding hi.Tua ahih manin Pasian zia ngakin Amah mah en kawmin gamtang kalsuan leeng Pasian in ii nisim kalsuanna ah hong makaih takpi ding hi.

 2.      Pasian zui ding 

 Na omna pan un ding khia-in na zui ding uh hi. Pasian zia ngak bek ding hilo in Israelte mahmah a omna munpan in kikhin khia-in dingkhia ding uh hi.Pasian mahmah in na hong sep a hong gamtat ciangin ei lam pan in ii gamtat na ding thu tampi tak hong om kha ding hi. Pasian mah zuih ngiat a  kalsuan ding ahi hi.

 

Pasian ii theihna ciang bek tawh hi theilo dinga ii omna mun pan (tu laitak nop ii sakna mun zong hi thei) paikhia in tukum sungah Pasian mah zuan ni. Thuciamna Singkuang kikhin ciang zui dingin Jordan gunpi khang mahmah kantan ding cih pen Israel mite adingin b

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